GOES-12 Visible imagery of Katrina |
GOES-12 Infrared (IR4) imagery of Katrina |
GOES-12 Water Vapor (IR3) imagery of Katrina |
As Katrina continued to gain latitude, it rounded the subtropical ridge and became subject to the full force of the mid-latitude westerlies. The resulting wind shear caused rapid weakening, and the storm was reduced to tropical depression status at 7:00 am CDT. As the system began to take on extratropical characteristics its' cloud coverage expanded immensely and it accelerated to the northeast. At 7:00 pm, the National Hurricane Center (NHC) declared the system to be an extratropical low. By early the next morning, the remains of Katrina were last identified merging with a frontal zone over the eastern Great Lakes. In the end, the most disastrous hurricane in US history was vanquished by an everyday cold front.
The total cost in lives and property were staggering. At least 1833 fatalities occurred that were directly or indirectly related to Katrina. This makes Katrina one of the deadliest hurricanes in US history, after the Galveston hurricane of 1900 (8000 lives), the San Felipe/Lake Okeechobee hurricane of 1928 (over 2500 lives), and two disastrous hurricanes in 1893. In monetary cost, Katrina is by far the most expensive hurricane in US history at $125 billion, nearly five times as expensive as Hurricane Andrew (1992), which held the record of being the costliest at the time of Katrina. Summarized in to table form:
Distribution of Fatalities
State: Number:
Louisiana 1577
Mississippi 238
Florida 14
Georgia 2
Alabama 2
Costliest Storms
Storm: Year: Cost:
Katrina 2005 $125.0 billion
Sandy 2012 $71.4 billion
Ike 2008 $37.5 billion
Wilma 2005 $29.3 billion
Andrew 1992 $26.5 billion
Ivan 2004 $23.3 billion
Irene 2011 $16.6 billion
Charley 2004 $15.1 billion
Rita 2005 $12.0 billion
What happened after the storm was both a bureaucratic and social mess. From the countless issues regarding the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the US Federal government to the many individual acts of prejudice and negligence, Katrina had far reaching impacts; some which extend to the present day. Even in a meteorological blog, it is important to touch upon these issues as no weather phenomenon can exist in isolation from the world around it, humans included. To cover everything would require volumes (and no doubt they exist), so here is a run down of some noteworthy facts, quoted from the web:
General Facts:
Combining all of the areas it impacted, Katrina left about
three million people without electricity, some for several weeks.
Several million gallons of oil were spilled from damaged
facilities scattered throughout southeastern Louisiana.
Data provided by FEMA indicate that over 1.2 million people
along the northern Gulf coast from southeastern Louisiana to Alabama were under
some type of evacuation order.
Depth of floodwater after Katrina |
People's Lives:
A "town" of FEMA trailers |
Two weeks after the storm, more than half of the states were
involved in providing shelter for evacuees. By four weeks after the storm,
evacuees had been registered in all 50 states and in 18,700 zip codes—half of
the nation's residential postal zones. Most evacuees had stayed within 250
miles (400 km), but 240,000 households went to Houston and other cities over
250 miles (400 km) away and another 60,000 households went over 750 miles
(1,200 km) away.
Katrina displaced over one million people from the central
Gulf coast to elsewhere across the United States, becoming the largest diaspora
in the history of the United States.
As of July 1, 2008, New Orleans had a population of 311,853,
a decrease in population from the 445,000 residents of the city prior to
Hurricane Katrina.
FEMA's Failures:
In accordance with federal law, President George W. Bush
directed the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, Michael
Chertoff, to coordinate the Federal response. Chertoff designated Michael D.
Brown, head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, as the Principal
Federal Official to lead the deployment and coordination of all federal
response resources and forces in the Gulf Coast region. However, the President and
Secretary Chertoff initially came under harsh criticism for what some perceived
as a lack of planning and coordination. Brown claimed that Governor Blanco
resisted their efforts and was unhelpful. Governor Blanco and her staff
disputed this. Eight days later, Brown was recalled to Washington and
Coast Guard Vice Admiral Thad W. Allen replaced him as chief of hurricane
relief operations. Three days after the recall, Michael D. Brown resigned
as director of FEMA in spite of having received recent praise from President
Bush.
Seven months after the storm, two-thirds of the requested
FEMA trailers (designed for short term emergency housing immediately after a
disaster) had been delivered. Many of these trailers, however, could not be
occupied or, if occupied, were not properly functional. Delays of weeks or
months in hooking up electricity and water to trailers were common, and
mechanical and bureaucratic problems prevented use of the trailers
There were accusations of health problems caused by high formaldehyde
levels in the trailers, produced by formaldehyde emissions from manufactured
materials used in construction of the trailers. Residents reported breathing
difficulties, persistent flu-like symptoms, eye irritation, and nosebleeds.
Tests on a number of FEMA trailers by the Sierra Club showed some 83% had
levels of formaldehyde in the indoor air at levels above the EPA recommended
limit. In July 2008, researchers conducting a federally funded analysis
reported that the toxic levels of formaldehyde in the trailers probably
resulted from faulty construction practices and the use of substandard building
materials.
Social and Racial Injustice:
A larger percentage of white residents returned to their
homes than did black residents. This was attributed to an unwillingness of
planners to rebuild low-income housing. In September 2005, the Washington Post
noted former 10-term Republican Congressman Richard H. Baker from Baton Rouge
reportedly told lobbyists, "We finally cleaned up public housing in New
Orleans. We couldn't do it, but God did", and criticized his lack of
concern for the lower income residents.
A challenge facing New Orleans was the exceptionally large
homeless population created by Katrina. The number of homeless people living in
New Orleans doubled to 12,000 people between the hurricane and mid-2007. With a
post-Katrina population of 300,000 people, this meant that 1 in 25 people were
homeless, an extremely high number and nearly three times that of any other US
city. Most of the homeless were Katrina evacuees who returned to higher rents
or who fell through the cracks of the federal system that was to provide
temporary housing after the disaster. There were also some workers who came
from out of state for the post-Katrina rebuilding boom but who subsequently lost
their jobs. Compounding this problem, the number of beds for the homeless in
the city decreased from a count of 2,800 before the storm, to 2,000, as of May
2008.
As of 2008, just over half of the city’s adult residents (56
percent) were African American, roughly one in three (35 percent) were
Caucasian, and 5 percent were Hispanic. The Census Bureau’s 2005 (pre-storm) American
Community Survey (ACS), found that the adult population was 60 percent African
American and 32 percent Caucasian.
Rent has spiked an average of 40% since the
storm in the city, with the small rental program instituted after the disaster
having been ineffective in assisting small holding landlords to rebuild and
improve properties previously inhabited by renters.
All around FEMA response was found to be slow and unfair. A
study conducted by graduate students at The University of Connecticut's
Department of Public Policy found that FEMA trailers were offered 63% in St.
Bernard Parish, a predominantly white area, and 13% in the Lower Ninth Ward, a
predominantly black neighborhood.
Katrina victims were often characterized as poor, black, and - sometimes - unworthy of public support in the media. Stories of looting, lawlessness, and criminal damage were prominent, even though this was quite rare. Where African-Americans broke into shops to obtain food, it was 'looting', whereas the same behavior by others was seen as an act of survival. Just as many white victims featured in TV interviews as black victims, even though blacks were more numerous in the New Orleans population and probably suffered greater loss.
Katrina victims were often characterized as poor, black, and - sometimes - unworthy of public support in the media. Stories of looting, lawlessness, and criminal damage were prominent, even though this was quite rare. Where African-Americans broke into shops to obtain food, it was 'looting', whereas the same behavior by others was seen as an act of survival. Just as many white victims featured in TV interviews as black victims, even though blacks were more numerous in the New Orleans population and probably suffered greater loss.
Government, Policy, and the Army Corps of Engineers:
There was an investigation of the responses from
federal, state and local governments, resulting in the resignation of Federal
Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) director Michael D. Brown, and of New
Orleans Police Department (NOPD) Superintendent Eddie Compass. Many other
government officials were criticized for their responses, especially New
Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin, Louisiana Governor Kathleen Blanco, and President
George W. Bush.
The storm's devastation also prompted a Congressional
investigation, which found that FEMA and the Red Cross "did not have a
logistics capacity sophisticated enough to fully support the massive number of
Gulf coast victims." Additionally, it placed responsibility for the
disaster on all three levels of government.
Notably, Cuba and Venezuela (both considered as hostile to
US government interest) were the first countries to offer assistance, pledging
over $1 million, several mobile hospitals, water treatment plants, canned food,
bottled water, heating oil, 1,100 doctors and 26.4 metric tons of medicine,
though this aid was rejected by the U.S. government.
Britain's donation of 350,000 emergency meals did not reach
victims because of laws regarding mad cow disease.
On April 5, 2006, months after independent investigators had
demonstrated that levee failures were not caused by natural forces beyond
intended design strength, Lieutenant General Carl Strock, Chief of Engineers
and Commander of the Corps of Engineers, testified before the United States
Senate Subcommittee on Energy and Water that "We have now concluded we had
problems with the design of the structure." He also testified that the
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers did not know of this mechanism of failure prior to
August 29, 2005. The claim of ignorance is refuted, however, by the National
Science Foundation investigators hired by the Corps of Engineers, who point to
a 1986 study by the Corps itself that such separations were possible in the
I-wall design.
In February 2008, the Bush administration requested that the
state of Louisiana pay about $1.5 billion of an estimated $7.2 billion for
Corps of Engineers levee work (in accordance with the principles of local cost
sharing required by Congress as early as the Flood Control Act of 1928), a
proposal which angered many Louisiana leaders.
On May 2, 2008, Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal used a speech to
The National Press Club to request that President Bush free up money to
complete work on Louisiana's levees. Bush promised to include the levee funding
in his 2009 budget, but rejected the idea of including the funding in a war
bill, which would pass sooner.
Law, Order, and the Military:
As the U.S. military and rescue services regained control
over the city, there were restrictions on the activity of the media. On
September 9, the military leader of the relief effort announced that reporters
would have "zero access" to efforts to recover bodies in New Orleans.
Immediately following this announcement, CNN filed a lawsuit and obtained a
temporary restraining order against the ban. The next day the government backed
down and reversed the ban.
Many prisoners were abandoned in their cells during the
storm, while the guards sought shelter. Hundreds of prisoners were later
registered as "unaccounted for”.
Acts of unrest occurred following the storm,
particularly with the New Orleans Police Department. In the aftermath, a
tourist asked a police officer for assistance, and got the response, "Go
to hell, it's every man for himself." Also, one-third of New Orleans
police officers deserted the city in the days before the storm, many of them
escaping in their department-owned patrol cars. This added to the chaos by stretching
law enforcement thin. Additionally, several NOPD officers were arrested weeks
after Katrina for suspicion of vehicle theft.
Some concern over the availability and readiness of the
Louisiana National Guard to help stabilize the security situation was raised. A
Guardsman Lieutenant Colonel commented that "dozens of high water
vehicles, humvees, refuelers, and generators were abroad." At the time of
the hurricane, approximately 3,000 members of the Guard were serving a tour of
duty in Iraq. With total personnel strength of 11,000, this meant that 27% of
the Louisiana National Guard was abroad.
Some 40% of Louisiana's National Guard was deployed to Iraq
at the time, and critics claim that use of the National Guard to boost troop
numbers in Iraq left them unready to handle disasters at home.
Activists re-enact the trip across the Crescent City Connection Bridge in protest, later in 2005. |
No comments:
Post a Comment